The Pilbara region of Western Australia has a proud heritage with labor unions. In the 1970s, it became a seed bed for the most strike-tenacious section of the Australian working class. Union membership skyrocketed, in keeping with national trends, and negotiated meaningful improvements in the working conditions of local employees. By 1970, unions scored historic victories, netting many of the benefits modern-day Fly-In Fly-Out (FIFO) workers still experience to this day. As the Albanese government introduces changes to industrial relations laws, questions arise about whether these reforms will revitalize union influence or revert the region to less favorable conditions reminiscent of the past.
This push for industrial democracy came to a head in the 1970s with a wave of rapid unionization across the Pilbara. Unions led the way in winning the rights most essential to workers’ survival. They demanded equal pay, job security, health insurance and housing assistance. The dynamic between unions and companies was unique in this region, with a notable character emerging: Red Dog, a beloved canine who became a fully paid member of the Transport Workers’ Union during this transformative time. Though unions had a tremendous impact, they had challenges as well.
The Rise of Union Influence
Unions eventually achieved a powerful foothold in the Pilbara by the 1970s. They fueled high-profile strikes and powered solidarity negotiations that improved working conditions not just for them but for workers across industries. Larry Graham, a key figure during this period, noted that “even though the early companies were fantastic companies, the concept of doing things differently really wasn’t their strong point.” This inability to be flexible sometimes left unions no choice but to fight hard at the negotiating table to protect their members’ interests.
Unions’ power is even more pronounced by their sheer impact of achieving higher wage rates and improved working conditions for their members. According to Graham, “the unions managed to get a lot of people paid a lot more than they were working for — that was the biggest problem.” Alexis Vassiley noted that the average rate of strike activity for workers in the Pilbara was 12 strike days per year. That figure is orders of magnitude greater than the average of 7.5 days for coal miners. This historic frequency served to highlight just how urgently workers were calling for better conditions.
As union membership teetered in the 30s and 40s, they effectively fought for major improvements in workplace safety, standards and conditions. Graham remarked on this achievement, stating, “Inside 15 years, the trade union movement in the Pilbara hammered the companies that hard on safety that it became safer than the real estate industry in Perth.” These advancements were part of an enormous win in the way unions showed they could control corporate behavior.
Decline and Challenges
Though they achieved amazing victories throughout the 1970s, the membership of these unions started to crumble in the years to come. Federal policies corporate America responded by taking a much more hardline approach to union negotiations, weakening their power over time. This reduction caused an understandable alarm around issues of workplace rights and conditions, as the balance of power tipped ineluctably towards employers.
Tom Reid pointed out that “employees in the Pilbara are at the centre of some of the highest paid arrangements in any industry in the country.” This observation raises serious questions about the effectiveness of recent changes to industrial relations laws. Will they truly be a shield for workers, or an excuse to play political games? Simply put, critics say no organization that tries to spin these reforms as protecting workers’ best interests can be trusted.
As unions found themselves under siege from all sides, their history was more important than ever. In short, the Albanese government’s proposed changes would make it a lot easier for workers in different industries and occupations to collectively bargain. Murray Watt stated, “We’ve made it easier for workers on some sites to collectively bargain, to be able to enter into agreements with their colleagues.” Concerns remain about whether these changes will be enough to restore union strength in areas such as the Pilbara.
The Future of Labor Relations
The recent debate surrounding changes to Australia’s industrial relations laws has reignited discussions about the role of unions in contemporary labor practices. While businesses orient themselves to the new rules, questions remain about what these policies will mean for workers already in place. Greg Busson noted that “all of the companies in that year, they get a big reduction in hours worked per week, a big increase in pay and significant increases in conditions.”
Though campaigners are optimistic about the potential for better rights for workers, skepticism is still deeply rooted among union advocates. They argue that “the rules have been too far skewed towards the bosses for a long period of time,” suggesting that current reforms may not go far enough to equalize power dynamics in labor relations.
For all the union power, the legacy of Pilbara union activism is mixed. While unions historically bolstered worker rights and safety standards, their waning influence raises concerns about future protections under evolving industrial relations laws. As a result, many observers are asking whether the changes can collectively induce a renaissance in effective union representation. They further doubt that the reforms will address the structural damages wrought by years of yo-yoing union strength.
